Comrades deputies!

The four months that have passed since the Sixth Session of the Supreme Soviet are highly important because of the events that have occurred in Europe. As a result of the military operations pursued by Germany, first in Norway and Denmark, then in Belgium and Holland, and lastly in the territory of France, the war in Europe has assumed wide dimensions. On June 10 Germany was joined by Italy who declared war on Great Britain and France. Thus the fourth largest European Power has entered the war. Since last spring the war has been developing rapidly.

Without dwelling on the events that took place in Norway, Denmark, Belgium, and Holland, I want particularly to note the rapid defeat and capitulation of France. In the matter of a month or six weeks the German army not only broke the resistance of France but compelled her to sign an armistice, under the terms of which the greater part of her territory, including Paris, remains in the occupation of German troops. Nevertheless, although she has obtained an armistice France has not yet obtained peace. Nothing is known as yet about the peace terms. Of the two Allies that confronted Germany and Italy only Great Britain has remained, and she has decided to continue the war relying on the assistance of the United States.

There is no need to dwell here on all the causes that brought about the defeat of France who revealed her exceptional weakness in the war. Clearly the cause lay not alone in the bad military preparedness, although this cause has now become universally known. Of considerable importance was also the fact that, unlike Germany, leading circles in France treated too lightly the role and weight of the Soviet Union in European affairs. Events in the past months have clearly demonstrated something more. They have shown that the ruling circles of France were not in touch with the French people and, far from relying on the support of the latter, they feared them – a people which deservedly are famed as liberty-loving with glorious revolutionary traditions. That was one of the serious causes of France’s weakness that has now revealed itself.

The people of France are now faced with the difficult task of healing wounds inflicted by the war and, following this, the task of regeneration which cannot, however, be realized by the old methods. In her war against the Allies Germany achieved great successes but she has not yet achieved her principal objective – the termination of the war on terms which she considers desirable.

On July 19, the Reich’s Chancellor of Germany again addressed Britain with an appeal to come to terms with regard to peace, but the British Government, as we know, rejected this proposal. The British Government interpreted this proposal as a demand for Britain’s capitulation and stated in reply that it would continue the war until Britain had attained victory. It even went so far as to break off diplomatic relations with France, its ally of yesterday. This means that the Government of Great Britain does not wish to give up colonies which Britain possesses in all parts of the globe and declares that she is prepared to continue the war for world supremacy despite the fact that after the defeat of France and Italy's entry into the war on the side of Germany this struggle involves considerably greater difficulties for Britain.

The first year of the European war is drawing to a close but the end of the war is not yet in sight. It is more probable that we are now on the eve of a new stage of intensification of the war between Germany and Italy on the one side and Britain assisted by the United States on the other. All these events have not caused a change in the foreign policy of the Soviet Union. True to her policy of peace and neutrality, the Soviet Union is not taking part in the war.

Our relations with Germany, which underwent a turn nearly a year ago, remain entirely as laid down in the Soviet-German Agreement. This Agreement, strictly observed by our Government, removed the possibility of friction in Soviet-German relations when Soviet measures were carried out along our Western frontier and at the same time it has assured Germany a calm feeling of assurance in the East. The course of events in Europe, far from reducing the significance of the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact, on the contrary, emphasized the importance of its existence and further development.

Lately foreign and particularly the British and Anglophile Press has been frequently speculating on the possibility of disagreements between the Soviet Union and Germany and has been attempting to intimidate us by the prospect of the growth of Germany’s might. These attempts have been exposed more than once by ourselves as well as by Germany and have been swept aside as worthless. We can only reiterate that in our opinion the good neighbourly and friendly relations that have been established between the Soviet Union and Germany are not based on fortuitous considerations of a transient nature, but on the fundamental interests of both the USSR and Germany.

It must also be noted that our relations with Italy have lately improved. An exchange of views with Italy has revealed that there is every possibility for our countries to ensure mutual understanding in the sphere of foreign policy. There is also every ground to expect an extension of our trade relations.

As regards Soviet-British relations, no essential changes have lately occurred. It should be recognized that after all the hostile acts committed by Britain against the USSR of which we have had occasion to speak more than once at the Supreme Soviet, it was difficult to expect that Soviet-British relations would develop favourably, although the appointment of Sir Stafford Cripps as Ambassador to the USSR does, possibly, reflect a desire on the part of Britain to improve relations with the Soviet Union.

Permit me now to turn to those problems of our foreign policy, the successful solution of which have recently brought about a considerable expansion of our territory and greatly augmented the strength of the Soviet Union (Stormy applause).

There is no need to dwell here in detail on the way in which the incorporation of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina in the Soviet Union was effected. The relevant documents were published in full on June 28. The representation which I made to M. Davidescu, the Rumanian Minister in Moscow, contained the following proposals:

1. Bessarabia be restored to the Soviet Union.
2. The northern part of Bukovina be transferred to the Soviet Union.

As you know the Rumanian Government accepted our proposal and the conflict between the Soviet Union and Rumania which had lasted for twenty-two years was settled peacefully (Applause). The Ukrainians and Moldavians who mainly populate Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina obtained the opportunity of joining the united family of Soviet nations and now start a new life, the life of a people liberated from the rule of the Rumanian boyars, landlords and capitalists (Prolonged applause). We now know with what tremendous joy the population of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina joined the ranks of Soviet citizens.

Thus the territory of the Soviet Union has been enlarged by the addition of Bessarabia which has an area of 44,500 square kilometres, and a population of 3,200,000, and of Northern Bukovina, which has an area of 6,000 square kilometres and a population of over 500,000.

As a result the frontiers of the Soviet Union have shifted to the west and reached the Danube which, next to the Volga, is the biggest river in Europe and one of the most important commercial routes for a number of European countries.

You are aware, comrades, that the whole of the Soviet people welcomed the successful and long-awaited settlement of the Bessarabian question with great joy and satisfaction. On the other hand our relations with Rumania should now take a quite normal course.

I now come to our relations with Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia.

Since the Mutual Assistance Pacts concluded with Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia had not produced the expected results, the problem of the relations of the Soviet Union with the Baltic countries has lately taken a new turn. The conclusion of these Pacts did not lead to a rapprochement between Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia respectively, and the Soviet Union, as might have been expected, because this was opposed by the ruling bourgeois groups of the Baltic countries.

Far from taking the road of rapprochement with the Soviet Union as we had some right to expect after the conclusion of the Mutual Assistance Pacts, these ruling groups took the road of an intensification of hostile activities against the Soviet Union, pursuing them secretly and behind the back of the USSR. For this purpose the so-called Baltic Entente was utilized in which formerly only Latvia and Estonia were united in a military alliance against the USSR, but which, at the end of last year, was converted into a military alliance comprising Lithuania as well as Latvia and Estonia.

It is thus clear that the ruling bourgeois groups of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia were incapable of honestly carrying out the Mutual Assistance Pacts concluded with the Soviet Union; that on the contrary, they even extended their hostile activities against the Soviet Union.

Facts proving that the Governments of these countries were grossly violating the Mutual Assistance Pacts concluded with the USSR kept piling up. It became utterly impossible to tolerate such a state of affairs any longer, particularly in the present international situation. This was the reason why the Soviet Government presented the demands of which you are aware concerning changes in the Governments of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, and the dispatch of additional Red Army units to these countries.

You know the results of these steps taken by our Government.

The most important measure carried out by the Governments friendly to the Soviet Union that were set up in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, was the holding of free parliamentary elections. In July democratic elections were held for the Lithuanian Diet, the Latvian Diet, and the Estonian State Duma. The elections proved that the ruling bourgeois cliques of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia did not express the will of their peoples but represented only a small group of exploiters. The Diets of Lithuania and Latvia and the State Duma of Estonia were elected on the basis of universal direct and equal suffrage and secret ballot and have already expressed their unanimous opinion on fundamental political questions. We can note with satisfaction that the peoples of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania voted solidly for their representatives who unanimously pronounced in favour of introducing the Soviet system and the incorporation of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (Stormy applause).

Thus relations between Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia and the Soviet Union must be placed on a new basis.

The Supreme Soviet will examine the question of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia joining the Soviet Union as Union Soviet Socialist Republics of the USSR. There is not the slightest doubt that the affiliation of these Republics to the Soviet Union will assure their rapid economic development and the flourish of their national culture in every way; their entry into the Soviet Union will, moreover, greatly enhance their strength and assure their security, and at the same time, still farther increase the might of the great Soviet Union (Stormy, long-lasting applause).

As a result of the affiliation of the Baltic countries to the USSR, the population of the Soviet Union will be augmented by 2,880,000 population of Lithuania, 1,950,000 population of Latvia, and 1,120,000 population of Estonia.

Thus, with the populations of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina the population of the Soviet Union will be increased by approximately 10,000,000 (Applause). If to this we add over 13,000,000 population of the Western Ukraine and Western Byelorussia, the increase in the population of the Soviet Union during the past year will exceed 23,000,000 (Applause).

It should be noted that nineteen-twentieths of this population previously formed part of the population of Soviet Russia, but had been forcibly torn from her by the Western imperialist Powers when Soviet Russia was militarily weak. Now this population has been reunited with the Soviet Union.

As the figures of the population show, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics will now be able to speak in the powerful voice, in the name of a population of 193,000,000 not counting the natural increase in the population of the USSR in 1939 and 1940 (Prolonged applause).

The fact that the frontier of the Soviet Union will now be shifted to the Baltic coast is of first-rate importance for our country. At the same time we shall now have ice-free ports in the Baltic of which we stand so much in need.

The successes of the foreign policy of the Soviet Union are all the more significant in that we have achieved them all by peaceful means, that the peaceful settlement of questions both with the Baltic countries and Bessarabia was achieved with the active co-operation and support of the broad masses of the people of these countries (Applause).

It must also be said that great responsibility rests on the Government of the Soviet Union for carrying out practical measures in a proper and organized manner for the political and economic reconstruction of the new Soviet Republics.

At the last Session of the Supreme Soviet I reported on the Peace Treaty with Finland. Over four months have passed since this Treaty was concluded and, on the whole, it is being carried out in a satisfactory manner. Since then a Trade Agreement has also been concluded with Finland, and we think that the prospects of the development of economic relations between our two countries are favourable. The Finnish Government also accepted our proposal to demilitarize the Åland Islands and to set up a Soviet Consulate there. The further development of Soviet-Finnish relations to the mutual interests of both countries depends mainly on Finland herself. Naturally if certain elements in the Finnish ruling circles do not cease their persecution of elements in Finland which are striving to strengthen good neighbourly relations with the USSR, then relations between the USSR and Finland may suffer (Laughter, applause).

Our relations with the Scandinavian countries, Norway and Sweden, cannot but depend on the situation prevailing there. Nothing definite can be said about Norway at present in view of her special position. As for Sweden, the particularly important point to be noted is that both our countries are interested in a considerable development of trade and economic relations. The economic negotiations now being conducted with Sweden should, I hope, result in an-agreement that will be of no little benefit to both sides.

As for the Balkan countries, it is necessary to note first of all the fact that diplomatic relations have been established with Yugo-Slavia. While it may be said that the absence until then of diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and Yugo-Slavia was not our fault, it was on the proposal of the government of Yugo-Slavia, willingly accepted by the Soviet Union, that such relations were established. It may be hoped that gradually our economic relations with Yugo-Slavia will also develop.

Our relations with Bulgaria may be considered normal. It may be added that there are no outstanding questions between the Soviet Union and Bulgaria which might hinder further improvement in our relations.

No important changes have taken place in our relations with Turkey. It must be pointed out, however, that the documents recently published in the German “White Paper” have shed an unpleasant light on certain aspects of the activities carried on in Turkey. The subsequent explanations of Massigli, the French Ambassador to Turkey, could not change anything as regards the nature of these documents. In this connection I must say that as far back as the beginning of April, the Soviet Government pointed out to Turkey the impermissibility of the following occurrence. What happened was that at the beginning of April a foreign aeroplane coming from Turkish territory flew over the district of our city Batumi, where there are many oil refineries.

On the part of Turkey an attempt was made at first to deny that any such aeroplane had come from Turkish territory. Subsequently, however, Turkey promised to adopt measures to prevent flights of this kind in future (Animation, laughter). After the publication in Germany of the above-mentioned documents it is obvious what kind of aeroplane it was. Hence it follows that the representation we made to the Turkish Government really was fully justified.

As regards Iran, there are no new developments to note. However, in mentioning Iran we also cannot pass by one impermissible fact. At the end of March in the area of Baku – just as was the case somewhat later in the area of Batumi – two foreign aeroplanes which came from the direction of Iran were sighted. The Iran Government deemed it necessary to deny this fact. But in this case, too, the above-mentioned documents published in the German “White Paper” provide sufficient explanation.

It must be stated that any repetition of the dispatch of such foreign reconnaissance aeroplanes could lead to nothing but complications in our relations with our neighbours. As for the uninvited visits of the above-mentioned aeroplanes to Baku and Batumi, we interpreted them to mean that in future we must also intensify our vigilance on these southern Soviet frontiers (Applause).

With regard to Japan it may be said that our relations of late have begun to assume a somewhat more normal character. In particular, on June 9, an agreement was reached concerning the exact demarcation of the frontier area where last year’s conflict on the Khalkhin Gol river occurred. This fact is all the more important since until lately the protracted delay in the settlement of this question had an unfavourable effect on the regulation of relations between the USSR and Japan as well as those between the Mongolian People’s Republic and Manchukuo, In a few days the mixed Commission of representatives of the Mongolian People’s Republic and Manchukuo will begin work to demarcate the border on the spot. It may be admitted that, in general, there are certain indications of a desire on the part of Japan to improve relations with the Soviet Union.

Granted mutual recognition of the interests of both parties, and providing both of them will understand the necessity of removing certain obstacles which are no longer important, such an improvement in Soviet-Japanese relations is feasible. It must, however, be admitted that there is still much that is obscure in the programme of the new Japanese Government, concerning the establishment of the “new political structure.”

It is apparent that the southward expansion of which the Japanese papers are making such ado is attracting the attention of leading circles in Japan to an ever greater extent particularly in view of the fact that the changes which have occurred in Europe cannot but have their reverberations in the districts in which these Japanese circles are interested. But the real political aspirations of these circles are still unclear in many respects. This refers also to Soviet-Japanese relations.

I will not dwell on our relations with the United States of America if only for the reason that there is nothing good that can be said about them (Laughter). We have learned that there are certain people in the United States who are not pleased with the successes of Soviet foreign policy in the Baltic countries. But we must confess we are little concerned over this fact (Laughter, applause) inasmuch as we are coping with our tasks without the assistance of these disgruntled gentlemen (Laughter, applause). However, the fact that the authorities in the United States unlawfully placed an embargo on the gold which our State Bank recently purchased from the Banks of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, meets with the most energetic protest on our part. In this case we can only remind both the Government of the United States and the Government of Great Britain, which adopted the same procedure, of their responsibility for these illegal acts.

As regards our relations with great National China, who is fighting for her existence, they are, as ever, good-neighbourly and friendly in conformity with the Soviet-Chinese Non-Aggression Pact. With this, permit me to wind up my remarks referring to our relations with individual countries.

There only remains for me to say a few words about the general prospects of the development of international events. The changes which have occurred in Europe as a result of the great successes secured by German arms are by no means such as might already promise a speedy termination of the war. The upshot of events is that one side, particularly Germany, has grown considerably stronger as a result of its military successes, while the other side no longer represents a single whole.

Great Britain is faced with new and great difficulties in continuing the war while France, which is out of the war, is passing through a severe crisis following her defeat. The strengthening of one warring side and the weakening of the other causes serious reverberations not only in Europe, but in other parts of the world. In addition to France the countries that have suffered defeat include Belgium and Holland with large colonial possessions which they can no longer defend with their former strength. As a result of this, the question of a redivision of the colonies is becoming ever more acute.

Imperialist appetites are growing not only in distant Japan but also in the United States where there are not a few people who like to conceal their imperialist designs behind their well-advertised “concern” for the interests of the entire “Western hemisphere,” which these gentlemen are prepared to turn into their property with all its numerous Republics and with the colonial possessions of other countries on islands in the neighbourhood of the American continent.

All this harbours the danger of a further extension and fanning of the war and of its transformation into a world imperialist war. Under these conditions the Soviet Union must enhance her vigilance in regard to her external security as well as in regard to strengthening all her positions both at home and abroad. We have introduced an eight-hour working day instead of a seven-hour day and have carried out other measures, for we consider it our duty to ensure the further necessary successes for the Soviet Union, we must and economic capacity of the country; we must ensure a serious enhancement of discipline among all our working people, and work intensely to raise the productivity of labour in our country.

We have had many new successes, but we do not intend to rest content with what we have achieved. In order to ensure further indispensable successes for the Soviet Union, we must always bear in mind Stalin’s words that “We must keep our entire people in a state of mobilization, preparedness in the face of the danger of military attack so that no ‘accident’ and no tricks of our foreign enemies could catch us unawares.” If we all remember this, our sacred duty, no events will catch us unawares, and we will achieve new and even more glorious successes for the Soviet Union (Stormy, long-lasting applause, everyone stands up).